By DANNY PEARL
Staff Reporter of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
BHOPAL, India -- If you could see the graffiti on the old Union Carbide
Corp. pesticide factory here, you'd think the disaster that made this city
famous is still in the air every day, stirring angry speeches and haunted
conversations.
"Take immediate steps to extradite Warren Anderson and the
authorized representatives of Union Carbide from USA," says one
freshly painted call to action on the wall of the plant, which has been
left
to grow weeds since a gas leak in December 1984 killed more than
3,000 residents and injured at least 50,000 more. "Hang Anderson,"
says another, of the former Union Carbide chairman.
Actually, a tiny group of activists repaints the graffiti once a year,
on
the anniversary of the catastrophe. In fact, the residents of Bhopal
rarely talk about the disaster anymore. People are more worried about
central India's drought.
The gas disaster? "We have got the money; everything is finished. It's
an old story," says kerosene salesman Tulsi Ram Sahu, 60 years old,
who used to live near the plant and says he has vision problems from
gas exposure. Mr. Sahu got the last installment of his 25,000 rupee
($540) compensation two years ago. Now he's playing cards in his new
neighborhood, a slum surrounding Indian Oil Corp.'s gas storage tanks.
Isn't that as dangerous as living near a pesticide plant?
He shrugs. "We're poor people."
The leak of deadly methyl isocyanate, or MIC, gas took place on Dec. 3
1984, shortly after midnight, after water somehow entered a storage
tank and triggered a chemical chain reaction. Pressure soon rose so
high that the MIC gas rushed out of the tank's safety valve, a Union
Carbide report concluded; a pressure gauge wasn't operating at the
time. Wind carried the gas into residential areas of Bhopal, killing people
without warning. Those who left their homes and tried to flee on foot
only got exposed more.
In the Western mind, Bhopal, a city of 1.9 million people, is like
Chernobyl or Three Mile Island, a dateline that forever serves as a
warning to mankind. But in India, "there's always something or other
happening, unfortunately. People forget," says Vikas Rakheja, owner of
Bhopal's busy Lyall Book Depot. He's selling computer books,
quiz-preparation books, self-help books, but he doesn't stock any
English-language books on the tragedy and says no such book exists in
Hindi. "Nobody would buy it," he says, turning to help a customer
interested in a stress-management volume.
Union Carbide was acquired Tuesday by Dow Chemical Co., but the $7.3
billion deal didn't get so much as a mention the next day in the local
press. Government officials in Madhya Pradesh, of which Bhopal is the
capital, don't even like to talk about the disaster anymore. "I think it's
time people forget it and look ahead," says R. Gopalakrishnan, political
adviser to the state's chief minister, Digvijay Singh, who attended this
year's World Economic Forum meeting in Davos, Switzerland, two weeks
ago.
The state has even floated the idea of eliminating its department of
Bhopal Gas Tragedy Relief and Rehabilitation, set up to help victims.
People exposed to the gas have most commonly experienced eye
problems, such as cataracts, and respiratory ailments including
tuberculosis, though some Indian experts claim the gas caused a
breakdown of a range of other body functions, too.
Leading an uphill fight against closing the book on the disaster is a duo
of full-time activists. One is Satinath Sarangi, head of Bhopal Group for
Information and Action and director of the Sambhavna ["Possibility"]
Clinic for victims. His funding comes largely from an antipesticides group
in Britain, which publishes periodic solicitations in London's Guardian
newspaper with the now-famous photo of the half-buried face of a girl
killed by the gas leak.
Mr. Sarangi, who speaks flawless English, has been a frequent source
for foreign journalists' Bhopal coverage over the years. This week, he
showed off his new gynecological clinic to a French television team that
had a bit of extra time after covering the earthquake in Gujarat. "There
is some memory loss, but we're keeping it going," says Mr. Sarangi.
The other activist is Abdul Jabbar, a 42-year-old former laborer who
says he lost his father and brother to gas-related disease. His corridor
at the Bhopal Gas-Affected Women's Industry Association also features
a "Resist Globalization" poster. On a Sunday, Mr. Jabbar shows off rows
of sewing machines, where he says 40 female victims of the accident
would be working if it weren't the weekend.
But on a Wednesday visit, the place is still empty. Mr. Jabbar
acknowledges that the workshop, which was making clothes and jute
cushion covers, hasn't operated since 1999, when the compensation
money dried up and victims stopped donating 10 rupees a month as he
had requested. Attendance at weekly meetings of gas victims is 5% of
what it was in the late 1980s, he says. "The press takes the gas
disaster seriously on the anniversaries: 10 years, 15 years, next it will
be 20, 25 and then 50 years," he says.
Bhopal's nemesis, Union Carbide, faded from the picture long before
last week's merger. It paid $470 million in compensation to the state
and sold its Indian business to a Calcutta tea company. The state now
controls the factory site. A criminal case drags on in Bhopal district
court, with a few days of testimony each month, no longer making
headlines in the local Daily Bhasker newspaper. Eight officials of Union
Carbide stand accused of "culpable homicide not amounting to murder,"
a charge later downgraded to "rash and negligent act." The one
American among them, Mr. Anderson, has failed to appear in court, but
there is little chance India will seek his extradition from the U.S., Mr.
Sarangi acknowledges.
India set up a Disaster Management Institute in Bhopal to teach the
lessons of the Union Carbide disaster, but the institute ran out of
money by 1995 as the government's interest dwindled. Norway kicked
in $500,000 to keep the institute afloat.
There is no chemical industry in Bhopal anymore, other than a pesticide
bottling plant called Kilpest, but that's not because the industry
wouldn't be welcome. "We have got to fight in the international arena"
for jobs, says S.R. Mohanty, the state director of industrial
development. One way is with a one-stop office for granting permission
for new factories. "There won't be any inspector to check up and ask
things. You can say, 'I hereby certify I am all right.' "
Write to Daniel Pearl at danny.pearl@wsj.com